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Before the Fed: The Historical Precedents of the Federal Reserve System


The United States made several attempts to regulate banks and manage the money supply at a national level before the creation of the Federal Reserve System.

1982 photograph of Monticello entry hall with facing busts of Jefferson and Hamilton (Photo: Langdon Clay, Photographer)

by David J. Erickson, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Cartoon entitled "General Jackson Slaying the Many-Headed Monster" (Brown University Library Center for Digital Initiatives, Print, Drawings & Watercolors from the Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection, ID119817787962500)

Jackson’s attack on the Bank ultimately cast a long shadow in American history.  While citing Jefferson’s concerns about the Bank being an unconstitutional attack on state’s rights, he managed a devastating political campaign in which he successfully portrayed the Bank as an elitist and “privileged” institution that benefitted the few. Because the Bank sold ownership shares through stock, Jackson argued, only the rich, both at home and abroad, benefitted from its operations. With this tactic, Jackson effectively portrayed the Bank as a tool of the special interests at the expense of “regular” people.

The Bank responded by lobbying for its preservation and inserting itself in the political process, but Jackson and his allies pointed to this as a sign of its corrupt practices. The Bank was much larger than the state-chartered commercial banks it competed against, so it had few friends in the banking sector.

Ahead of the end of the Bank’s charter, Jackson moved its federal deposits out and distributed them in multiple state banks. Without federal funds, the Bank’s operations shrank dramatically. It took another blow when its political defenders, the Whig Party, lost in the congressional elections of 1834. The Bank limped along after becoming a Pennsylvania state-chartered bank in 1836, but it closed its doors in 1841.   

In the decades after Jackson’s veto, the United States experimented with various institutional arrangements for regulating banks and currency, with rulemaking left largely to the states before the Civil War, followed by a period of nationally regulated banking in the decades after. Under these systems, the economy grew rapidly, but growth was interrupted by a series of financial panics during the Gilded Age, which culminated in the Panic of 1907.

A Progressive Response to a Radically Changing Society and Economy

We cannot fully understand the history of bank regulation and monetary policy without understanding the broader social, political, and economic contexts that were crucial to their development. During the time of the first Bank of the United States, for instance, about 5 percent of the US population lived in cities. At the time the Federal Reserve System was getting its start, the 1920 Census showed that more than half of Americans were urban.2 Similarly, in the early 1800s, most people’s livelihood involved farming, and much of that was for their own consumption. By 1880, nearly 44 percent of the population lived on farms; by 1925, only 27 percent did.3 This enormous social change and the increasing complexity of the economy arguably exacerbated the consequences of the financial panics and other economic disruptions in later periods. 

The Panic of 1893, for example, may have had similar drivers to earlier panics. But it occurred in a society that had so radically changed that the consequences of instability were amplified through an increasingly connected and industrialized national economy. The needs of unemployed workers stretched the limits of social networks that had historically provided economic support in hard times and a comprehensive safety net had not yet been established to provide public assistance.  In 1894, unemployed laborers gathered to create “Coxey's Army” to organize a “March on Washington.” The goal was to convince the federal government to do something to help put the unemployed back to work.

Coxey at the Capitol. The Commonweal Army leaving Brightwood Camp (Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, LC-USZ62-96526)

Demonstrations by the Occupy movement or anti-austerity protests in Athens are reminders today that periods of economic instability can have an emotional, and even violent, expression. So too was the situation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States. American society experienced substantial technological, demographic, social, and economic changes during that time. And the pressure was building to a point where conflict between capital and labor often escalated to violence in factory towns and mines across the country.   

A constellation of reforms, often referred to as the Progressive Movement, attempted to keep old ideals intact while responding to new realities that were tearing the fabric of the nation. Richard Abrams, a historian at the University of California, Berkeley, writes that the Progressives “sought a peaceful, legal substitute for Gatling guns and bayonets.” In full force from the late 1880s until the early 1920s, the movement comprised a variety of groups and factions, including those who wanted to reform the civil service, “female emancipationists, prohibitionists, the social gospel, the settlement-house movement, some national expansionists, some world peace advocates, conservation advocates, technical efficiency experts, and … intellectuals,” in Abrams’ words. The Progressive Movement had many inspirations and competing goals, but at its core was an effort to create “a more morally perfect society,” according to Abrams.4 There were limits to this vision, though, as the Progressives generally tolerated, and in some cases promoted, racial segregation. “Most of the progressives told themselves that separation allowed reform to continue,” writes Indiana University historian Michael McGerr. “Protected by the shield of segregation, the fundamental project of transforming people could go in safety. But the cost was great.”5

Progressives wanted to reform all levels of government —municipal, state, and federal. In many places, it started as a local effort to wrest control of city government from the political bosses, but it also had larger aims to use science and efficiency to make government work better.

Toward a Progressive Banking Policy:  The National Monetary Commission Study, Aldrich Plan, and the Federal Reserve Act of 1913

Progressive Movement thinking was front and center when reformers looked to improve the nation’s chaotic banking system, especially after it failed to respond to the Panic of 1907, which took place in an already weakened economy. It would have been much worse had it not been for the intervention of finance titan J.P. Morgan. Even with Morgan’s efforts, the financial contagion spread through the country and left many broken banks in its wake. As Jon Moen and Ellis Tallman write on this site, the Panic of 1907 and the 2008-09 financial crisis both started among New York City financial institutions and markets, and like the recent crisis, the effects of 1907 were felt throughout the nation and the rest of the world.

The crisis and the paucity of tools available to respond to it triggered a substantial review of our financial system.  In 1908, Congress passed the Aldrich-Vreeland Act to establish the National Monetary Commission. The commission’s charge was to assess the recent panic and provide a systematic analysis of currency and banking reform. Sen. Nelson Aldrich, a Rhode Island Republican and leading reformer, described the panel’s mission in a speech before the Economic Club of New York in 1909. “I believe if it should be thought wise by the commission, supported by the consensus of intelligent opinion of the people of the United States, to adopt any system, that neither the political prejudice of the past nor the ghost of Andrew Jackson, that great man who died many years ago, will stand in the way,” he said.6  Not only would the country move beyond the ghosts of its past, added Aldrich, it would use science and efficiency to create a modern banking system that would benefit “people of every class and every section.”

The commission’s report concluded that the new central bank would have functions felt equally by “wage earners, farmers, manufacturers, and all others engaged in productive industry.”7  In other words, the new banking system would use good governance, best practices, and scientific methods to create an institution to help heal the many rifts that have been present from the beginning of the republic. (For more on the National Monetary Commission, see the essay on "The Meeting at Jekyll Island” on this site.)

The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 was the result of those efforts. In many ways, it was a compromise solution of the Aldrich Plan that came out of the National Monetary Commission, pulling together many different traditions. During its first century, the Federal Reserve System would continue to evolve in its form and function, but its ability to strike many compromises — to be a “decentralized central bank” — was a hallmark to its endurance as an institution in American life.



Abrams, Richard M., “The Failure of Progressivism,” in The Shaping of Twentieth Century America: Interpretive Essays. ed., Richard M. Abrams and Lawrence W. Levine, Boston: Little, Brown, 1965.

An Address by Senator Nelson W. Aldrich Before the Economic Club of New York, November 29, 1909, on the Work of the National Monetary Commission,” November 29, 1909,

Brewer, John. The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988.

Letter from Secretary of the National Monetary Commission, Transmitting, Pursuant to Law, the Report of the Commission,” January 8, 1912,

McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement, 1870-1920. New York: Free Press, 2003.

US Bureau of the Census. “Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Bicentennial Edition, Parts 1 and 2.” Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1975.

US Bureau of the Census. “Population: 1790 to 1990.” Population and Housing Unit Counts Table 4,, accessed October 16, 2015.

Written as of December 4, 2015. See disclaimer.